학술논문
북한의 대중국 외교전략 연구 / A Study on the North Korea`s diplomatic Strategy toward China
Document Type
Dissertation/ Thesis
Author
Source
Subject
Language
Korean
Abstract
본 연구는 북한의 대중국 외교전략에 영향을 주는 요인과 그 유형을 이론적으로 분석하여 북한의 대중국 외교전략의 특징을 파악하는데 목적이 있다. 특히 능동적 외교전략인 ‘용중’(用中) 전략에 주목한다.북한의 대중국 전략은 대미 전략과 마찬가지로 북한체제의 생존과 발전에 있어서 핵심고리이며, 북한체제의 생존을 위한 최저조건으로 작용하고 있으나, 탈냉전기 북한의 대외전략과 정책의 연구주제는 대미 전략에만 집중되는 경향을 보이고 있다. 북한의 대외전략에서 대미 전략이 전부가 아닐뿐더러, 대미 전략이 대중국 전략과는 무관하게 추진되지 않기 때문에, 대중국 전략에 대한 이론적 검토가 필요하다. 본 연구가 북한의 대중국 전략, 특히 ‘용중’ 전략에 주목하는 이유는 아래와 같다. 첫째, 북한과 주변 강대국간 관계의 검토에 있어서 비교적 시각이 부족하다. 이러한 연구경향은 북중관계 연구의 경우 더욱 두드러지는데, 중국이 과연 어떠한 한반도 또는 대북 전략과 정책을 펴낼 것인가 하는 문제에만 주목할 뿐, 역으로 북한이 중국이라는 대외 자원을 활용해 국가이익을 실현하는 과정에 대해서는 관심이 적다. 둘째, 북한의 대중국 외교전략 또는 정책을 규명한 선행연구는 대체로 구조적 변수의 규정을 강조하는 것과 구조적 변수의 규정성을 인정하면서도 북한의 대외적 능동성을 부각시키는 것으로 구분된다. 구조적 변수의 규정을 강조하는 연구들은 북한이 ‘친중’(親中) 정책을 펼 수밖에 없다고 평가를 내리나, 구조적 변수의 규정을 인정하면서도 북한의 대외적 능동성을 부각시키는 연구들은 ‘반중’(反中) 정책이 가능하고 실제 사용되고 있다고 평가한다.‘반중’ 정책에 대한 선행연구는 북한의 대중국 정책의 유형들을 추출함에 있어서는 유의미하나, 자칫 북한의 대중국 정책이 ‘친중/반중’의 이분법으로 오해되기 쉽다. 따라서 북한체제의 생존과 발전이라는 국가목표를 달성하기 위해서 중국이라는 대외 자원이 반드시 필요하다는 ‘친’(親)적인 요인과 중국이라는 대외 자원에 지나친 또는 일방적 의존으로 북한체제의 생존과 발전이라는 국가목표를 저해하지 않도록 경계해야 하는 ‘반’(反)적인 요인을 동시에 해결해야 하는 대중국 외교전략에서의 북한의 전략적 고민을 ‘용’(用)이라는 틀을 통해 파악하는 것이 적합하다고 본다.넓은 의미에서 ‘용중’ 전략은 중국이라는 대외 자원을 활용해 자국의 이익과 목표를 달성하는 북한의 적극적인 대중국 정책들을 의미한다. 그러나 좁은 의미에서의 ‘용중’ 전략은 능동적 대중국 외교전략을 가리킨다. 즉 기존의 질서와 구조를 주어진 것으로 간주하느냐의 여부에 따라 대중국 외교전략을 수동적 전략과 능동적 전략으로 구분할 수 있는데, 좁은 의미에서 ‘용중’ 전략은 능동적 전략의 범주에 속한다.약소국의 대강대국 외교정책을 검토한 이론 및 선행연구들을 기초로 북한의 대중국 외교전략을 분석함에 있어서 전략의 환경구조와 북한의 가용자원이라는 두 가지 변수를 상정할 수 있다. 여기서 주목해야 할 것은 대중국 전략 기회구조(중국과 기타 주변 강대국들의 대북전략)의 진실성 여부와 상관없이, 정치행위자가 인지하는 상대방의 의도와 동기는 그 자신의 태도와 행동을 결정짓는 핵심변수로 작동하는 경우가 허다하다는 점이다. 이런 의미에서 북한지도부가 대중국 전략의 기회구조를 어떻게 인식하느냐(결국 중국의 전략적 가치를 어떻게 인식하느냐)는 그들의 중국에 대한 태도와 행동을 연구하는 데 중요한 출발점이 된다. 또한 ‘태도’와 ‘정책’이 관계적인 것인 만큼, 상대국에 대한 인식만 가지고 상대국에 대한 행동양식을 설명하기는 부족하다. 자신(자국이 보유한 가용자원)에 대한 인식은 상대국과의 관계에서 자신의 위치를 규정짓는 근본 변수로 작용하며, 따라서 자국이 보유한 가용자원에 대한 북한의 인식은 중국의 전략적 가치에 대한 인식과 더불어 북한의 대중국 행동양식을 결정짓는 핵심변수로 간주된다. 여기서 북한이 보유한 가용자원을 측정하는 지표는 물질적 자원과 무형의 명분적 요인인 지정학적․지경학적 자원, 북중관계의 특수성에서 찾을 수 있는 파생적 자원, 그리고 제도적 힘이라는 비물질적 자원이다.두 가지 내생적 변수의 상이한 조합에 따라 북한의 대중국 정책의 유형은 ‘순응’형, ‘실용’형, ‘중재’형 및 ‘호혜’형의 네 가지로 구분된다. 여기에서 ‘중재’형 정책과 ‘호혜’형 정책은 곧 본 연구가 주목하는 좁은 의미에서 ‘용중’ 전략으로 볼 수 있다. 상술한 분석틀과 사례와의 접목을 위해 본 연구는 냉전기 1956~1966년, 1969~1977년 두 시기와 탈냉전기의 사례에 대해 검토했다. 분석결과 1956~1966년 사례는 북한의 ‘용중’ 전략에서 가장 성공적인 사례고, 1969~1977년 사례는 절반의 성공에 그치는 사례로, 그리고 탈냉전기 사례는 비교적 성공적인 것으로 평가되었다.본 연구의 함의는 아래와 같다.첫째, 약소국의 대강대국 외교정책을 이론적으로 검토함에 있어서 ‘친/반’의 이분법적 틀을 넘어서 ‘친’적인 구심력 요인과 ‘반’적인 원심력 요인의 상호 모순된 의도를 해결하려는 약소국의 전략적 고민을 검토하기에는 ‘용’의 틀이 유용하다. 둘째, ‘용중’은 넓은 의미와 좁은 의미로 구분할 수 있다. 특히 좁은 의미의 ‘용중’은 약소국의 능동적 전략과 정책을 보여주는 것이다. 약소국이 강대국에 대한 능동적 전략을 검토하는데 있어서, 선행연구들이 주목한 유리한 약소국의 기회구조 뿐만 아니라 약소국의 가용자원 및 전략적 운용에 대한 진일보의 검토가 필요하다. 특히 본 연구에서 주목한 국가간 관계에서의 파생적 자원, 그리고 국제제도적 자원 등이다. 셋째, 북중간 이념적 변수는 부차적 변수로서 북한의 ‘용중’ 정책에 작용했다. 즉 이념적 동질성은 냉전기와 탈냉전기 북중관계의 틀을 획정하는 데는 일정한 한계가 있었다는 의미이다. 넷째, 북한의 대중국 외교로서의 ‘용중’ 전략의 분석틀은 대미, 대일, 대러 외교에도 적용될 수 있다. 다만 북한과 상대국가간 관계의 속성에 따라 북한의 가용자원을 구성하는 국가간 변수가 차이를 보임에 따라 북한의 ‘용미’(用美), ‘용일’(用日) 그리고 ‘용러’(用俄)가 ‘용중’과는 다른 모습을 띠게 될 것이다. 이는 추후 계속 연구할 과제로 남긴다.
本文旨在通過探討朝鮮對華外交戰略的變量及類型來把握朝鮮對華外交戰略的特征，其中尤其關注了弱國朝鮮對華外交戰略中的主動性戰略，並稱其爲‘用華’戰略。本文之所以關注朝鮮的對華外交戰略，從宏觀上來講，是因爲相關的研究過多關注的是朝鮮對美外交戰略或政策。而實際上，對華外交戰略和對美外交戰略同樣重要，是朝鮮對外戰略的核心，而且對華外交戰略的成功與否更是直接關系到朝鮮政權的存亡，是朝鮮能夠維持政權生存的下限。從微觀的角度來講，本文之所以關注朝鮮對華外交戰略中的主動性戰略即‘用華’戰略，主要基於以下幾點。第一，在探討朝鮮與周邊強國的關系，尤其是朝中／中朝關系時很少關注朝鮮的戰略。即相關的研究大多是關注中國對朝鮮半島及朝鮮的戰略或政策，而把朝鮮的戰略作爲出發點的研究少之甚少。第二，從外交政策的理論角度去探討朝鮮對華外交戰略或政策的相關研究大體上分爲兩類。其一從(新)現實主義的角度來解釋朝鮮對華外交，其二則從‘小國論’、即強調朝鮮的對外主動性來解釋朝鮮對華外交。前者強調結構變量，認爲朝鮮只能采取‘親華’外交，而後者得出的結論是朝鮮能夠采取‘反華’外交，並且這種‘反華’外交經常出現在朝中／中朝關系中。探討‘反華’政策對確立朝鮮對華外交戰略的類型上給予一定啟示，但強調‘親華’或‘反華’有可能卷入‘非親華即反華’的兩分法的誤區。而且實際上，對於朝鮮來說中國是把‘雙仞劍’。即中國是朝鮮實現對外戰略目標的不可或缺的戰略資源，但如果過度或單方面的依賴這種資源反倒約束朝鮮的靈活性而有可能阻礙其實現戰略目標。如何在運用中國這一資源時實現向心力與離心力之間的均衡，是朝鮮對華外交戰略的核心。本文之所以提出‘用華’分析框架就在於走出兩分法誤區，努力做好對朝鮮對華外交戰略的客觀分析。廣義上的‘用華’戰略，是指朝鮮在運用中國這一戰略資源以實現本國利益及目標時所采取的積極的對華政策。根據戰略目標對現狀的態度(維持／打破)，‘用華’戰略又可以分爲主動性戰略和被動性戰略，其中主動性戰略就是本文所關注的狹義上的‘用華’戰略。基於弱國外交的相關理論及研究，決定朝鮮制定對華外交戰略的變量可選定兩個，即結構變量和行爲者變量。這裏需要注意的是，結構變量(中國及其他周邊強國的對朝戰略)是通過行爲者的認識而最終反映在具體政策上的。因此，朝鮮對上述結構的認識，也就是通過對這種結構的分析而得出的中國所具有的戰略價值成爲朝鮮制定對華外交戰略的一個重要變量。另外，戰略存在相互性，任何一方在進行戰略決策時都需要“知己知彼”，因此在完成對對方國家戰略的評估後，對本國戰略資源的評估就顯得尤爲重要，是戰略決策中必不可少的環節。因此本國戰略資源也成爲朝鮮對華外交戰略的另一個重要影響變量。朝鮮的戰略資源包括物質資源和名分資源，即從地緣政治和地緣經濟層面派生的資源，從中朝關系的特殊性派生的資源和制度性資源。組合上述兩個變量可得出朝鮮對華外交的四種不同類型，即‘順從’型、‘實用’型、‘中介’型和‘互惠’型。其中，‘中介’型和‘互惠’型是本文所關注的狹義的‘用華’戰略。本文以冷戰期1956~1966年，1969~1977年及後冷戰期的一些朝鮮對華外交事件爲案例，結合分析框架進行探討。分析結果表明，本文選定的幾個案例中1956~1966年朝鮮的‘用華’戰略最成功，而1969~1977年只成功一半，後冷戰期的‘用華’戰略相對成功。本文通過對朝鮮對華外交戰略的探討，得出以下幾點。第一，要探討弱國對強國的外交，必須越過‘親／反’的兩分法，即弱國既要利用強國，同時也排斥過分地依賴強國。要想把握弱國的這種戰略困境或戰略思考，得用‘用’的分析框架。第二，‘用華’戰略有廣義和狹義之分，其中狹義的‘用華’戰能夠真正反映出弱國對強國外交上的主動性。此前在探討弱國對強國外交上的主動性問題時，大多數研究只關注國際格局因素，但通過本文的探討，可以看出在此類問題上有必要進一步考察弱國對資源及戰略的運用，尤其是對國家間派生性資源和制度性資源的運用。第三，理念或主義不是影響朝鮮制定對華外交戰略的關鍵變量，即只通過理念變量解釋冷戰期和後冷戰期的朝中關系是不全面的。第四，本文的分析框架可適用於研究朝鮮對其他大國的外交政策。只是由於朝鮮與不同國家間關系屬性相異，因此朝鮮‘用美’、‘用日’、‘用俄’戰略的表現方式與‘用華’戰略有所不同，這將是日後繼續思考及研究的課題。
This study aims to grasp the feature of the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy toward China by theoretically analyzing main causes and types that have an influence on the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy toward China. In particular, this dissertation takes note of ‘the using China strategy’ of North Korea that is an active diplomatic strategy.Even though the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy toward China just like her diplomatic strategy toward America has been the key point to the survival and development of North Korea and has functioned as the minimum requirements for the survival of North Korea, the research topic on the North Korea’s foreign strategy and policy in the post-cold war era has leaned too much towards the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy toward America. Because the foreign strategy toward America is not the only one of the North Korea’s foreign strategy, moreover the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy toward America could not be irrelevant to her diplomatic strategy toward China, the theoretical review on the North Korea’s strategy toward China must be needed. This reason why this study pays attention to the North Korea’s strategy toward China, particularly ‘the using China strategy’ are as follows.Firstly, the comparative viewpoint have been lacking in the review on the relation between North Korea and surrounding powerful countries. This research trend has been more remarkable at the study on the relation between North Korea and China. Most of researches exclusively tend to attention to the direction and content of China’s strategy toward North Korea or Korean peninsula and have taken the furthering process of the North Korea’s national interest using China lightly.Secondly, Precedent studies on the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy or policy toward China could be generally classified as follow two. One is emphasising the regulation of structural variables and the other is bring the foreign activeness of North Korea into relief although conceding the regulation of structural variables. While the former concludes that North Korea must inevitably adopt the pro-China strategy, the latter maintains that the anti-China strategy of North Korea can be and has been actually used. Even though precedent researches asserting the anti-China strategy are meaningful to extract types of the North Korea’s strategy toward China, those are prone to be misunderstood as the dichotomy of ‘pro-’ and ‘anti-’ China. Thus in order to achieve the North Korea’s national interest called the survival and development, the ‘using-China’ scheme seem to be appropriate to the analysis. That scheme must consider not only ‘pro-’ factor that the foreign resource called China must be undoubtedly needed to achieve North Korea’s national goal but also ‘anti-’ factor that precise lopsided dependency with China which could hamper the North Korea’s national interest.The ‘using- China’ strategy in a broad sense refers to the active North Korea’s policy toward China that aims to realize her national interest and goal by using the foreign resource called China. However it’s meaning in the strict sense refers to the active diplomatic strategy toward China. In other words, the diplomatic strategy toward China could be classified as the passive strategy and the active one rested on whether the existing order and structure are regarded as given or not, the ‘using-China’ strategy in the strict sense could be affiliated with the category of the active one.Two variables called the environmental structure of strategy and the available resources of North Korea could be introduced to analyze the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy toward China based on the precedent theories and researches on the weak nations’ foreign policy toward powerful nations. Here it must be taken notice that each other’s intention and motivation recognized by the political actor may be susceptible to be the core variable to determine it’s attitude and action, irrelevant to the veracity of the strategic opportunity-structure toward China(the strategy toward North Korea of China as well as surrending powerful nations). In this sense, it is the important starting point for studying on the North Korea’s attitudes and actions toward China how the leadership of North Korea appreciates the strategic opportunity-structure toward China(in other words, how the North Korea’s leadership evaluates the strategic value of China). Moreover since ‘attitude’ and ‘policy’ are relational ones, the behavior patterns toward each other nation could not be explained only by the cognition toward each other nation. The cognition toward itself(own’s available resources) could play the role as the basic variable that takes the position of one’s nation in relation to the each other nation, thus alongside the North Korea’s evaluation on the strategic value of China, the cognition about own’s available resources of North Korea could be regarded as the fundamental variable to decide the North Korea’s behavior pattern toward China. The indicator measuring the available resources of North Korea is the material resources and the non-material ones that are composed of geo-political and geo-economic resources which are immaterial factors and derivative resources which stem from the distinct characteristics of North Korea and China, and the institutional capacity.According to the divergent combination of this two endogenous variables, the types of the North Korea's policy toward China could be classified under four heads so-called an 'accommodated' type, an ' utilitarian' type, a 'mediating' type and a 'reciprocal' type. Among these, the 'mediating' and 'reciprocal' types could be classified as the 'using-China' strategy in a narrow sense.In order to combine the above-mentioned framework for analysis with cases, this dissertation review cases of 1956-1966 years, 1969-1977 years in the cold-war era and the post-cold war. Through analytical researches, it could be confirmed that the case of the 1955-1966 years has been the most successful one and the case of 1969-1977 years has been only a qualified success, and the case of post-cold war has been comparatively successful.The implications of this study are as follows. Firstly, the 'using-' scheme is useful in the theoretical reviewing on a weak nation's diplomatic policy toward a powerful nation which must consider the strategic troubles of a weak nation that attempt to solve the mutual inconsistencies between the 'pro-' schematic centripetal factors and the 'anti-' schematic centrifugal ones beyond the 'pro-' and 'anti-' dichotomic scheme.Secondly, the 'using-China' concept could be divided into ones in a broad and narrow sense. Especially the 'using-China' in a narrow sense indicates an active strategy and policy done by a weak nation. In order to review on a weak nation's active strategy toward a powerful nation, not only a weak nation's advantageous structure that precedent studies on a weak nation's diplomatic policy has taken attention to, but also the available resources and strategic practice of a weak nation must be scrupulously examined. In particular, those are just derivative resources and international institutional ones which this paper has paid attention to.Thirdly, the ideological variable between North Korea and China has acted at the North Korea's 'using-China' policy only as a peripheral variable. In other words, it means that the ideological homogeneity has only a limited role to demarcate the relational line between North Korea and China in the cold-war and post-cold war periods.Fourthly, the analytic framework of 'using-China' as the North Korea's diplomacy toward China will be able to apply to the diplomacies toward America, Japan, Russia and so on. However, the 'using-America', 'using-Japan', 'using-Russia' and 'Using-China' of North Korea could be respectively different since the country-by-country variable to compose the North Korea's available resources are different from each other according the relational properties between North Korea and facing each nations. It's just the future research tasks.
本文旨在通過探討朝鮮對華外交戰略的變量及類型來把握朝鮮對華外交戰略的特征，其中尤其關注了弱國朝鮮對華外交戰略中的主動性戰略，並稱其爲‘用華’戰略。本文之所以關注朝鮮的對華外交戰略，從宏觀上來講，是因爲相關的研究過多關注的是朝鮮對美外交戰略或政策。而實際上，對華外交戰略和對美外交戰略同樣重要，是朝鮮對外戰略的核心，而且對華外交戰略的成功與否更是直接關系到朝鮮政權的存亡，是朝鮮能夠維持政權生存的下限。從微觀的角度來講，本文之所以關注朝鮮對華外交戰略中的主動性戰略即‘用華’戰略，主要基於以下幾點。第一，在探討朝鮮與周邊強國的關系，尤其是朝中／中朝關系時很少關注朝鮮的戰略。即相關的研究大多是關注中國對朝鮮半島及朝鮮的戰略或政策，而把朝鮮的戰略作爲出發點的研究少之甚少。第二，從外交政策的理論角度去探討朝鮮對華外交戰略或政策的相關研究大體上分爲兩類。其一從(新)現實主義的角度來解釋朝鮮對華外交，其二則從‘小國論’、即強調朝鮮的對外主動性來解釋朝鮮對華外交。前者強調結構變量，認爲朝鮮只能采取‘親華’外交，而後者得出的結論是朝鮮能夠采取‘反華’外交，並且這種‘反華’外交經常出現在朝中／中朝關系中。探討‘反華’政策對確立朝鮮對華外交戰略的類型上給予一定啟示，但強調‘親華’或‘反華’有可能卷入‘非親華即反華’的兩分法的誤區。而且實際上，對於朝鮮來說中國是把‘雙仞劍’。即中國是朝鮮實現對外戰略目標的不可或缺的戰略資源，但如果過度或單方面的依賴這種資源反倒約束朝鮮的靈活性而有可能阻礙其實現戰略目標。如何在運用中國這一資源時實現向心力與離心力之間的均衡，是朝鮮對華外交戰略的核心。本文之所以提出‘用華’分析框架就在於走出兩分法誤區，努力做好對朝鮮對華外交戰略的客觀分析。廣義上的‘用華’戰略，是指朝鮮在運用中國這一戰略資源以實現本國利益及目標時所采取的積極的對華政策。根據戰略目標對現狀的態度(維持／打破)，‘用華’戰略又可以分爲主動性戰略和被動性戰略，其中主動性戰略就是本文所關注的狹義上的‘用華’戰略。基於弱國外交的相關理論及研究，決定朝鮮制定對華外交戰略的變量可選定兩個，即結構變量和行爲者變量。這裏需要注意的是，結構變量(中國及其他周邊強國的對朝戰略)是通過行爲者的認識而最終反映在具體政策上的。因此，朝鮮對上述結構的認識，也就是通過對這種結構的分析而得出的中國所具有的戰略價值成爲朝鮮制定對華外交戰略的一個重要變量。另外，戰略存在相互性，任何一方在進行戰略決策時都需要“知己知彼”，因此在完成對對方國家戰略的評估後，對本國戰略資源的評估就顯得尤爲重要，是戰略決策中必不可少的環節。因此本國戰略資源也成爲朝鮮對華外交戰略的另一個重要影響變量。朝鮮的戰略資源包括物質資源和名分資源，即從地緣政治和地緣經濟層面派生的資源，從中朝關系的特殊性派生的資源和制度性資源。組合上述兩個變量可得出朝鮮對華外交的四種不同類型，即‘順從’型、‘實用’型、‘中介’型和‘互惠’型。其中，‘中介’型和‘互惠’型是本文所關注的狹義的‘用華’戰略。本文以冷戰期1956~1966年，1969~1977年及後冷戰期的一些朝鮮對華外交事件爲案例，結合分析框架進行探討。分析結果表明，本文選定的幾個案例中1956~1966年朝鮮的‘用華’戰略最成功，而1969~1977年只成功一半，後冷戰期的‘用華’戰略相對成功。本文通過對朝鮮對華外交戰略的探討，得出以下幾點。第一，要探討弱國對強國的外交，必須越過‘親／反’的兩分法，即弱國既要利用強國，同時也排斥過分地依賴強國。要想把握弱國的這種戰略困境或戰略思考，得用‘用’的分析框架。第二，‘用華’戰略有廣義和狹義之分，其中狹義的‘用華’戰能夠真正反映出弱國對強國外交上的主動性。此前在探討弱國對強國外交上的主動性問題時，大多數研究只關注國際格局因素，但通過本文的探討，可以看出在此類問題上有必要進一步考察弱國對資源及戰略的運用，尤其是對國家間派生性資源和制度性資源的運用。第三，理念或主義不是影響朝鮮制定對華外交戰略的關鍵變量，即只通過理念變量解釋冷戰期和後冷戰期的朝中關系是不全面的。第四，本文的分析框架可適用於研究朝鮮對其他大國的外交政策。只是由於朝鮮與不同國家間關系屬性相異，因此朝鮮‘用美’、‘用日’、‘用俄’戰略的表現方式與‘用華’戰略有所不同，這將是日後繼續思考及研究的課題。
This study aims to grasp the feature of the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy toward China by theoretically analyzing main causes and types that have an influence on the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy toward China. In particular, this dissertation takes note of ‘the using China strategy’ of North Korea that is an active diplomatic strategy.Even though the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy toward China just like her diplomatic strategy toward America has been the key point to the survival and development of North Korea and has functioned as the minimum requirements for the survival of North Korea, the research topic on the North Korea’s foreign strategy and policy in the post-cold war era has leaned too much towards the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy toward America. Because the foreign strategy toward America is not the only one of the North Korea’s foreign strategy, moreover the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy toward America could not be irrelevant to her diplomatic strategy toward China, the theoretical review on the North Korea’s strategy toward China must be needed. This reason why this study pays attention to the North Korea’s strategy toward China, particularly ‘the using China strategy’ are as follows.Firstly, the comparative viewpoint have been lacking in the review on the relation between North Korea and surrounding powerful countries. This research trend has been more remarkable at the study on the relation between North Korea and China. Most of researches exclusively tend to attention to the direction and content of China’s strategy toward North Korea or Korean peninsula and have taken the furthering process of the North Korea’s national interest using China lightly.Secondly, Precedent studies on the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy or policy toward China could be generally classified as follow two. One is emphasising the regulation of structural variables and the other is bring the foreign activeness of North Korea into relief although conceding the regulation of structural variables. While the former concludes that North Korea must inevitably adopt the pro-China strategy, the latter maintains that the anti-China strategy of North Korea can be and has been actually used. Even though precedent researches asserting the anti-China strategy are meaningful to extract types of the North Korea’s strategy toward China, those are prone to be misunderstood as the dichotomy of ‘pro-’ and ‘anti-’ China. Thus in order to achieve the North Korea’s national interest called the survival and development, the ‘using-China’ scheme seem to be appropriate to the analysis. That scheme must consider not only ‘pro-’ factor that the foreign resource called China must be undoubtedly needed to achieve North Korea’s national goal but also ‘anti-’ factor that precise lopsided dependency with China which could hamper the North Korea’s national interest.The ‘using- China’ strategy in a broad sense refers to the active North Korea’s policy toward China that aims to realize her national interest and goal by using the foreign resource called China. However it’s meaning in the strict sense refers to the active diplomatic strategy toward China. In other words, the diplomatic strategy toward China could be classified as the passive strategy and the active one rested on whether the existing order and structure are regarded as given or not, the ‘using-China’ strategy in the strict sense could be affiliated with the category of the active one.Two variables called the environmental structure of strategy and the available resources of North Korea could be introduced to analyze the North Korea’s diplomatic strategy toward China based on the precedent theories and researches on the weak nations’ foreign policy toward powerful nations. Here it must be taken notice that each other’s intention and motivation recognized by the political actor may be susceptible to be the core variable to determine it’s attitude and action, irrelevant to the veracity of the strategic opportunity-structure toward China(the strategy toward North Korea of China as well as surrending powerful nations). In this sense, it is the important starting point for studying on the North Korea’s attitudes and actions toward China how the leadership of North Korea appreciates the strategic opportunity-structure toward China(in other words, how the North Korea’s leadership evaluates the strategic value of China). Moreover since ‘attitude’ and ‘policy’ are relational ones, the behavior patterns toward each other nation could not be explained only by the cognition toward each other nation. The cognition toward itself(own’s available resources) could play the role as the basic variable that takes the position of one’s nation in relation to the each other nation, thus alongside the North Korea’s evaluation on the strategic value of China, the cognition about own’s available resources of North Korea could be regarded as the fundamental variable to decide the North Korea’s behavior pattern toward China. The indicator measuring the available resources of North Korea is the material resources and the non-material ones that are composed of geo-political and geo-economic resources which are immaterial factors and derivative resources which stem from the distinct characteristics of North Korea and China, and the institutional capacity.According to the divergent combination of this two endogenous variables, the types of the North Korea's policy toward China could be classified under four heads so-called an 'accommodated' type, an ' utilitarian' type, a 'mediating' type and a 'reciprocal' type. Among these, the 'mediating' and 'reciprocal' types could be classified as the 'using-China' strategy in a narrow sense.In order to combine the above-mentioned framework for analysis with cases, this dissertation review cases of 1956-1966 years, 1969-1977 years in the cold-war era and the post-cold war. Through analytical researches, it could be confirmed that the case of the 1955-1966 years has been the most successful one and the case of 1969-1977 years has been only a qualified success, and the case of post-cold war has been comparatively successful.The implications of this study are as follows. Firstly, the 'using-' scheme is useful in the theoretical reviewing on a weak nation's diplomatic policy toward a powerful nation which must consider the strategic troubles of a weak nation that attempt to solve the mutual inconsistencies between the 'pro-' schematic centripetal factors and the 'anti-' schematic centrifugal ones beyond the 'pro-' and 'anti-' dichotomic scheme.Secondly, the 'using-China' concept could be divided into ones in a broad and narrow sense. Especially the 'using-China' in a narrow sense indicates an active strategy and policy done by a weak nation. In order to review on a weak nation's active strategy toward a powerful nation, not only a weak nation's advantageous structure that precedent studies on a weak nation's diplomatic policy has taken attention to, but also the available resources and strategic practice of a weak nation must be scrupulously examined. In particular, those are just derivative resources and international institutional ones which this paper has paid attention to.Thirdly, the ideological variable between North Korea and China has acted at the North Korea's 'using-China' policy only as a peripheral variable. In other words, it means that the ideological homogeneity has only a limited role to demarcate the relational line between North Korea and China in the cold-war and post-cold war periods.Fourthly, the analytic framework of 'using-China' as the North Korea's diplomacy toward China will be able to apply to the diplomacies toward America, Japan, Russia and so on. However, the 'using-America', 'using-Japan', 'using-Russia' and 'Using-China' of North Korea could be respectively different since the country-by-country variable to compose the North Korea's available resources are different from each other according the relational properties between North Korea and facing each nations. It's just the future research tasks.